Thursday, November 25, 2021

Circulation of Urdu newspapers in India in the decade after Independence


Shams Ur Rehman Alavi

The Urdu press has a nationwide presence and it was naturally strong in the pre-partition era.

Even after partition, Urdu newspapers had strong impact in parts of the country.

Especially, in national capital, Delhi and Punjab. 

The centres remain the same, even six or seven decades later. Delhi, Lucknow, Hyderabad, Mumbai, Kolkata, Patna, Bhopal and Bangalore. However, contrary to general feeling the circulation of newspapers in the post-independence era was high, the figures were not too impressive.

Pratap, Tej and Milap were major papers in Delhi. Post-partition, the Hindu and Sikh populace that continued to read Urdu, preferred these papers. In 1959, Siyasat Jadeed Kanpur was quite a big paper and had higher circulation that Siasat, Hyderabad.

Among major dailies, Mumbai had Inquilab, Lucknow had Qaumi Awaz, Calcutta had Asr-e-Jadid and Azad Hind apart from Rozana Hind. Jalandhar had Hind Samachar, Hyderabad had Rahnuma-e-Deccan apart from Siasat and others. 

In Bhopal, Nadeem's circulation was less but again circulation is not a criterion, it had impact. Just like, Times of India and Hindustan Times sell 20-25 times or even more than Indian Express in Delhi, but Express probably still has more impact.

The belief is that it was a golden era of some sorts, as people always look towards past, with love and longing. However, printing newspapers was not easy and litho was the system, before the advent of modern technology. The circulation figures are from the annual report of the Registrar of Newspapers in India (RNI).

READ: LINK OF TOP URDU NEWSPAPERS AND WEBSITES IN 2021

Sunday, November 21, 2021

Cow protection group's bid to storm parliament 55 years ago: Yet no right-wing outfit was banned or perceived as threat to nation


Shams Ur Rehman Alavi

It was in the month of November, 55 years ago, when a shocking incident had occurred in India's national capital. 

The year was 1966. A big gathering in support of cow protection took place in Delhi.

The protesters who gathered near the Parliament, turned violent. The situation went out of hand. 

Ministers' houses were attacked & burnt. The policemen later resorted to firing. As per reports, 7* persons were killed, while nearly 200 were injured. 

Papers carried the reports on front page, bold top lead stories. But they were not harsh, quite soft. They termed them 'unruly demonstrators'. The words were not 'attackers' on 'temple of democracy' but words used were 'paraders' and 'demonstrators'.

Though it was an attack at the seat of the government. Gulzarilal Nanda was Home Minister. It was claimed after Swami Rameshwaranand had exhorted audience to prevent ministers from coming out of parliament, that situation deteriorated.

K Kamraj's house was targeted. Also, minister of state Raghuramaiah's bungalow was attacked and set afire. So many trucks, buses and vehicles were damaged and set afire. The leaders of these 'demonstrators' had openly announced that they won't let ministers come out of the parliament. 

The scale of violence was unprecedented. Centre, the government and the Delhi administration was 'taken aback'. Lieutenant General AN Jha had expressed 'complete surprise', also 'intel had no info! On November 8, despite Opposition push, Centre said no to judicial probe demand and house was adjourned. 

Army was alerted just in case need arose, though it was police that handled the situation and remained on the scene. Hundreds of Sadhus were arrested within 24 hours. Swami Karpatri Maharaj was also among those taken in custody. 

The figure of arrested persons crossed 1,400 later. Those arrested belonged to Jan Sangh, Arya Samaj, Sadhu Sabha and Sanatan Dharma Samaj. Then, on November 9, Gulzarilal Nanda resigned as home minister. 

YB Chavan became the home minister in the next few days. But were the 'major disturbances in Delhi' seen as a national security issue or threat to country, causing worries about future? In fact, the policy continued, that right-wing can never be perceived as security threat, even its fanatic wings. 

Turning Right-wing: Softness towards right-wing, the reasons for the shift

The point is that any minor stir or a statement of a leader in a far-flung part of the country, leads to so much brouhaha, immediate concerns and casual use of words like 'traitor'. But even an incident of this magnitude--almost an attack at the seat of democracy, hadn't shaken the government enough. 

And as we know, later also, no serious action was taken. No right-wing outfit was banned despite such an incident. Subsequent governments too remains comparatively soft towards the right-wing. On the other hand, a year later, the unlawful activities (prevention) act--UAPA came, in 1967. 

It has resulted in thousands of arrests and curtails the rights of citizens, denies them the right to bail.The softness towards right-wingers continued. Two decades later, VHP and BD had become big strong groups with all India presence, lakhs of volunteers and so by 1980s groundwork was complete. Congress got another decade later--from 2004 to 2014, and then after all the work, handed over, completely.

The threat was not dealt with, sternly. Hence, right-wing groups were emboldened and emerged stronger. By 1980s, there was a fresh resurgence. And every time the approach was similar, soft. Jan Sangh that turned into BJP, used VHP and Bajrang Dal cadre during the Rath Yatra.

There was violence in dozens of towns in the country, yet, no action was taken. A few years later, in 1992, Babri Masjid was demolished. This, despite chief minister's pledge that he won't let anyone harm the structure.

If this was not enough, those involved in the demolition, those who gave inflammatory slogans and made the speeches, incited the mobs, were never made to pay for their acts. The cases dragged for years and none of the conspirators were jailed. 

The failure was on all fronts, not just administrative and political, but on all fronts. When executive fails, people look at courts. However, Kalyan Singh was given just ONE day symbolic imprisonment! No wonder, the message went that right-wing ideology is part of nationalism. 

The post-Godhra pogrom in Gujarat occurred in the year 2002. Many culprits involved in violence managed to get bail despite getting convicted. Over the years, Hindutva became synonymous with Hinduism and Nationalism. 

Many groups were found involved in planning and executing attacks eg Malegaon, Ajmer, Mecca Masjid at Hyderabad and Bhopal Ijtima apart from similar plots at Jalna, Nanded, Modasa, Purna, Thane and Goa but, none of those groups was put on the list of banned outfits.

Even when Congress was at the Centre, it didn't do it. The State government in Maharashtra too belonged to the same party, yet, they couldn't do it. And, later leaders would pass the buck, claiming that they didn't get the file!

The shift to right-wing was complete. This happened because every important pillar that needed to stay strong, crumbled. Not just the bureaucracy and the political class, but this was facilitated by the the Fourth Estate--the role of press and media, particularly, vernacular newspapers in North India, in taking side and changing public opinion.

Now, coming back to November 7, 1966. The incident didn't lead to serious action against right-wing groups. Rather, cow protection laws came up in different states. Over the years, these laws were made more and more stringent, and Muslim youths faced charges, getting framed and prosecuted even over rumours of cow slaughter, mere claim over possession of beef or transportation of objectionable meat.

The attacks, lynching bids and the murder of Akhlaq, the father of an armyman, in Dadri in Western UP, and many such incidents, were example of how right-wing influence had grown on the country and how it had affected the society, as lawmakers went on to protect and garland those involved in lynching.

Another version of this report is available at the medium

NOTE: Though a major incident, the cow protection brigade's agitation in 1966 was quickly forgotten, and was rarely talked about. It's only in recent times, when WhatsApp messages gave a twist and talked about government firing on Sadhus made rounds that some news outlets recalled it. 

This report mentions it as 'the very first attack on Indian parliament'. The report mentions that how BJS' MP Swami Rameshwaranand who was elected from Karnal in undivided Punjab led the mob towards Parliament  House complex 'with a clear intent to storm it' and finding the gates closes, the mob 'launched a free for all attack on govt buildings'.

Another report mentions that it was the first attack and it was carried out by the 'gau rakshaks'. It also gives information about the death of a policeman in the attack and also throws light on the backdrop, giving examples like the use of an objectionable caricature. 

Yet another report in The Caravan, quotes newspaper reports of the era to tell how mob caused extensive damage and destruction, that there was hardly a building on the parliament street that didn't bear signs of vandalism. CRPF was out on streets, curfew was imposed and loss estimated at Rs 90 lakh.

[*another person's death was confirmed later, taking the toll to, at least, eight. The incident had occurred on November 7, 1966.]

Tuesday, October 05, 2021

Indian politics: Reasons that people keep electing politicians, leaders repeatedly irrespective of performance



Shams Ur Rehman Alavi

It's often seen as a mystery that people keep electing non-performing or bad performing leaders and then lament, yet, continue to support them. 

I would start with an example. The story of a politician. This 'neta' or leader belonged to a group that was backward but members of this community didn't like the tag.

They felt that their community [caste group] was forward. This happens quite often, every group tries to find groups that are more backward to position itself as 'forward in comparison'. 

So the leader and his party were pro-poor and pro-backward. However, his own community didn't like him, as they felt he was pro-other castes. He remained in politics and after struggle, he became big leader. 

This was the turning point. Everything changed. His people fell in love with him now, the community was suddenly proud, even got too possessive about him. No personal benefit came for the members of the community in the long run either. This was 'Pride' Factor! 

All those years, he was agitating, they didn't even like him, but once he 'arrived' as big leader on the scene, he readily gets 'adopted' by the same community. So everyone in the caste group feels happy as if it is their own success, as if till then community was poor. 

Isn't it something about the inferiority complex too that we need success of someone like us to feel that 'our community too matters'. Even his decisions do not benefit and even hurt now, the community members justify everything. 

READ: How 'identity interests' override personal interests in Indian society and politics

They support him fully. They immediately come with such one liners: 'It's politics so he has to make adjustments'. Even in big failures or blunders, everything is justified, no anger or frustration, because ultimately he is 'own', a 'reflection of me'. 

The sense that due to him our community and in turn we have got respect. He is there, so 'a part of me in him'. A collective 'sense of kinship' or 'community pride'. Not just for representation sake. A new Thakur or a Brahmin, new Kurmi or a Jat leader is emerging, becomes CM or powerful minister, then it evokes such  sentiment within groups--OUR MAN, PRIDE. 

Other leader may do good, but he remains 'other'. A person who as leader or Chief minister brings qualitative change in lives through efforts or schemes will not be rewarded despite his work, as he is 'not your own'. 

READWhy rogue politicians, goons and musclemen are elected in India?

Historically backward communities have aspirations. It is understandable. But certain strong communities have leaders, still they too fall in this system, as t hey feel their voice no longer matters [compared to the past and their own hegemony], the past imagined as 'golden era' [not necessarily true].

There are groups that are numerically small but get higher representation, yet they're not happy despite progress. They are doing well but compare selves with 'other communities' in own cities, who seem doing even better. So that's a strange cycle. 

You elect leaders just for your 'identity', kinship and because you feel good that a person of your clan or caste or community has reached a point, even if he has no vision or plan and this doesn't even bring a change in your life. That's how these things continue, year after year, decade after decade.

[The photographs are just for representational purpose. It is not a reflection of their performance.]

Friday, September 17, 2021

Book on life of revolutionary freedom fighter Sher Ali who had assassinated Viceroy Lord Mayo


Shams Ur Rehman Alavi

Revolutionary freedom fighter Sher Ali, who was hanged by the British in Andaman and Nicobar islands, was among the early revolutionaries on whose path Bhagat Singh, Chandrashekhar Azad, Madanlal Dhingra and many others, walked, later. 
Though Sher Ali's sacrifice is well-known, but the need was felt for a long time to have a proper book on his life. Dr Md Shahid Siddiqui Alig has written the book on the revolutionary who was executed in Andaman and Nicobar. 
Sher Ali was hanged as he had attacked and assassinated Lord Mayo. No other such high-ranking British official faced such an attack on Indian soil. Sher Ali's life and patriotism, how he turned into an anti-imperialist, in the company of other freedom fighters, is a long story.
Sher Ali Afridi was born in Tirah valley. He had assassinated Lord Mayo when the latter made a visit to Andaman and Nicobar Islands in 1872. He was immediately overpowered. Subsequently, he was arrested, incarcerated, faced trial and was executed. 
The author delves deep into history though Colonial era documents, and brings to fore the entire turn of events. The reader also gets to know about Andaman islands, the harassment and extreme torture meted out to freedom fighters who were kept in the prison.

Author brings to us British officials' comments about Sher Ali, as well. WW Hunter wrote that Sher Ali was a 'hillman of immense personal strength and when heavily fettered in the condemned cell overturned lamp with his chained ankle, bore down English sentry by brute strength of his body & wrenched away his bayonet with the manacled hands'.

We know well about great revolutionary leaders--Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Chandrashekhar Azad who planned the assassination of Saunders. Also, about Madanlal Dhingra, who in England assassinated William Hutt Curzon Wyllie, but a dedicated book was needed on Sher Ali's life. 

In foreword, M Ahmad Mujtaba mentions that earlier an event was held every year in Hopeland on March 11, in memory of the pioneering revolutionary of Indian's independence struggle. He mentions that not even a street in Andaman and Nicobar is named after Sher Ali. 

Dr Shahid Siddiqui Alig went through historical texts, documents, visited multiple libraries, accessed archives' records and also visited Andaman and Nicobar, before he began penning this book. It's an important book and must be in your collection, if you are interested in history and Indian freedom struggle.

You can get the book through a local Urdu publisher in your city. It has been published by All India Urdu Taleem Ghar. The cost is Rs 150, 10 US dollars for readers abroad. In case, you want to communicate, write to publishers at this Email: allindiaurdutaleemghar@gmail.com

READ: Remembering Sher Ali on the anniversary of first war of independence

Monday, September 13, 2021

Time for a new, articulate Muslim leadership to appear: Lack of leaders in Lucknow is a cause of concern


Shams Ur Rehman Alavi

While there is considerable interest regarding politics in the society, the lack of initiative towards entering political arena, is intriguing.

This article deals with the issue of Muslims in Uttar Pradesh. Already, the community is facing a serious issue of poor representation in political sphere. Major parties are not giving tickets to Muslim candidates, as they feel polarization will affect their chance of victory.

Every community needs a voice and its members must reach echelons of power--at all the three levels viz. civic body, state legislature and houses of parliament. Besides, there is also social, intellectual leadership that is needed, apart from electoral politics.

What is surprising is that we don't have more people emerging as leaders in our centres. Cities like Lucknow need leaders, voices. It takes sometime before a person gets recognized in the society. This is through sustained efforts, speaking up, learning how to 'emerge' as leader in a society. 

Sometimes, a person who was never even a legislator or councillor, is seen as an important person or a leader of the region, because he has a forum or speaks up on important issues. On the other hand, there are people who win and have held public offices for several terms, but are not recalled or considered 'leader'.

It's about vision, taking initiative and several other factors. Basically, how you present yourself, how you engage with your regional media. There are certain tricks of the trade too. We need leadership that talks about real issues and also gives hope to community. 

Firstly, let's talk about a leader who got elected as MLA from one of the constituencies of the city, after a long time. It's rare for a Muslim to get elected from Lucknow, because of the manner in which delimitation of constituencies took place.

The person got ticket, he won, he was highly educated, had party chief and the cadre's support, yet he  remained silent for whole tenure. Even after loss in the next polls, could have raised issues as 'ex-MLA', because person is known, established as a leader.

Surprisingly, one never heard his statements, support to people when it was needed or any intervention, let alone positive work that could have changed perceptions or helped people in his constituency. Isn't it weird? Why does a person get into politics.

At least for sake of furthering own career or strengthening your image, you should speak an act. But you remain totally inert, then how does it help you or the electorate and the community. Capital's MLA has power, can speak on state issues, raise them, present self as face of community in state. 

Gets more media exposure, has opportunity to be known across state and country. But when someone wins, and remains inactive, then this issue. Rehan Naeem was MLA in the term 2012-2017. He lost in 2017. He lost in 2017. However, he failed to make any impact. Not party's fault. 

Earlier, it was in 1985 that a Muslim legislator had won from the seat, during the Rajiv Gandhi wave. Easy to dismiss others as 'old school, 'out of touch' but if modern, highly educated and well-connected person, fails to act, then it's really depressing. 

Not visible or taking up issues. Even as ex-MLA, leaders take delegations, hold demonstrations, meet Chief ministers and Governors, call press conferences, speak for people but when you don't do these basic things, who is responsible.

You are considered a leader when you speak up, when you are visible, you speak, stand with citizens. Now imagine, in a city where Muslim MLAs don't get elected easily due to certain factors, you get elected & yet no one thinks about you when talking of leadership in your own city.

This city has such a huge educated elite among Muslims, yet, so less engagement with politics. If you don't engage with politics, avoid social or political or any kind of leadership, and then rue that some non-serious person is seen as your representative, then what's the solution?

New generation must take up leadership role, come forward. If you've no proper leader and just those 3-4 religious faces representing you from the city that is seen as heart of Indian politics as well as Indian Muslim politics, then what can be more depressing!

There is need for not just 1-2 but 10-12 faces. Alas 0. Own failure. Accept. There is no death of people with political understanding. Every second person is an expect and has 'siyasi shaoor'. But if you can't even project yourself as leader or get into mainstream politics, then something is definitely wrong, seriously.

You've a population of nearly 1 million Muslims in  district now. But you have one sellout joker who is seen as representative. Two-three more Sunni, Shia personalities. Where is politician, where is leader?Join any party but get in politics, there's space, don't let the void remain. Take it as a profession or along side your main job, but get into active role.

Contest, lose, but at least be in politics, there should have been many leaders for such a big population, visible real netas in many parties What you do best is labelling or being minor party activists, fighting for one party and running down the 'other'.

There are people who never won LS or VS elections in their lives but are seen as big leaders. In fact, people generally don't even realise that the guy has never won a election. So, you are basically, not even able to present yourself as a neta. That's the saddest part of the story. One can't leave the field wide open.

READ: Indian Muslims need to seriously take up politics, reasons for failure in the field