Bangle seller was beaten up, then booked and got bail after 107 days: Role of Hindi media in Indore case

Shams Ur Rehman Alavi

More than three months ago, the video of a man being threatened and brutally thrashed, had gone viral.

People were outraged as they saw the person was beaten just 'for selling goods in a locality'.

Soon, it was confirmed that the incident had occurred in Indore, Madhya Pradesh. There were voices in support of the bangle seller. 

But those who tried to help him get justice, also faced a lot. The attacker claimed that the bangle seller was a Muslim who posed as Hindu, and harassed a girl. 

So, the victim who got thrashed, was not just booked, but also arrested and charged with provisions under the stringent POCSA. The youths who tried to help Tasleem were seen as troublemakers and they were given notices that they would be externed from district limits. 

Shockingly, when right-wing groups staged a huge protest without any permission and raised objectionable slogans in full public view, no action was taken. The man who had attacked Tasleem was freed. However, he remained in jail.

The role of TV channels was also similar. The attacker's strange logic about a Muslim person going to Hindu locality to sell bangles, was linked to the 'Love Jihad' controversy. The regional TV channels' reports were on these lines [see screenshot].

It took months, in fact, 3-1/2 months before, he could even come out. However, those who had stood for him, still appear as they had got notice to explain their role by administration. 

In between, the local Hindi newspapers remained soft on attackers and their supporters, didn't portray the groups that had raised slogans as troublemakers. 

The newspapers and TV channels shifted the report and gave it a twist, immediately, and pushed the right-wing narrative. 

As a result, the attack on victim was no longer the story. He got booked and went to jail, remained there for such a long period and continues the case, as trial is on. However, those who created ruckus and raised slogans faced nothing at all. Is that 'journalism'? Unfortunately, that's 'mainstream journalism' and more so, Hindi journalism.

HORRIBLE AND BIASED REPORTING THAT TRIES TO PROTECT WRONGDOERS

If one reads Dainik Bhaskar and analyzes its coverage then it shows clear bias in reporting. When right-wing groups gathered in large numbers, the paper calls it 'protest by Indore'--'Indaur jutaa'.

What a spin! An attempt to legitimize the ruckus, twisting and presenting it as genuine protest over an issue while delegitimizing the other one where a small gathering that came to stand with victim, is termed 'unmaad', a very strong word. 

So in one case, paper presents a group in a totally negative way, even if very few people came up and they just wanted justice, stood without sloganeering or ruckus. But in the other instance, which is huge, they don't see 'unmaad' or even criticise the mob or ask questions as to who was behind such a huge gathering. Worse, despite video evidence, paper doesn't report slogans. 

Rather, support it, and even bring 'LJ' angle, own it up, as 'our' and 'of entire Indore'. Why no mention about inflammatory words, how such a gathering was allowed despite Covid protocol and admin was not aware! 

This is India's largest circulated daily. The way it gives 'spin' day after day. Can make any rowdy group or goons as 'your city', 'you', 'your representative' and as a result, you won't go against them. 

Paper ensures that you, the reader and more so, the majority, feels that it's your people, your protest, your issues, your demand and make you take a stand in favour of the attacker and against the victim. This is the sort of 'journalism' that so cleverly divides society, moulds the mindset of society and stops the wheel of justice from moving ahead. It has affect on everyone. All politicians, all officers. And the society. 

Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain: Leading educationist, author and champion of women's rights in undivided India

An author and educationist who opened the famous school for girls more than a century ago, Begum Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain, is one of the most inspiring women and a role model in the sub-continent. 

Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain was a multi-faceted personality who was champion of women's rights and a writer. 

In fact, she wrote extensively and left two volumes that has collections of her essays apart from a famous novel. 

She dreamt of a world where women were at the top--working as scientists, flying aircrafts, running universities and taking stand against war. 

Talking about her achievements, just remember the era she belongs to--she was born before Maulana Azad and Jawahar Lal Nehru. She presided over education conference, organised women, opened the school that runs in Kolkata till today [now run by the State government]. 

After marriage, her husband had fully backed her and she learnt English. Begum Rokeya had gone from house to house, urging women to send their daughters to school. She attended conclaves and conferences, even presided over Indian Women's Conference.

Her life is a shining example of how a woman in that era, worked hard for emancipation of women. She died in 1932, at the age of just 52. She was buried in Sodepur in North 24 Parganas in West Bengal, India. She was born in undivided India and she is a hero in Bangladesh too. BBC's poll had her listed at sixth place. 

She was born in Rangpur. Her birth and death anniversary fall on December 9, and hence it is termed as Rokeya Day. Great women leaders who led in social, educational fields, wrote & stirred people apart from literary output, pathbreaking work on the ground, must be remembered. 

Photo courtesy: Pirganj Kasimon Nessa Girls' High School, Pirganj, Rangpur [Facebook page]

Communal riots in India: Jalgaon, Bhiwandi killings and failure to act on Commission's reports

Shams Ur Rehman Alavi

As lynching incidents and hate crimes continue, we talk about the failure of institutions, particularly, the inability of police and agencies in promptly dealing with violence. 

Also, we talk about how police often fail to act on mob and often the victim gets harassed or framed due to the street power of the goons and their political associations. 

But we have reached the state not in a few months or years. It has been a weakening of institutions over decades. Decades ago, when riots occurred, it often happened that the officials didn't act promptly and excesses or biased action took place.

Imagine, just a year after the horrific Ahmedabad riots of 1969, there were communal riots in Jalgaon, Bhiwandi and Mahad in Maharashtra. Over 120 persons were killed in the riots in these three places and property was destroyed.

The riots had again drawn attention of the nation. Muslims suffered heavily, in terms of loss of lives too. After the riots, justice DP Madon was given task for judicial probe in Jalgaon. Running into six volumes it was a very clear report. 

The role of police had come up in debates. In Jalgaon, out of 43 persons killed, 42 were Muslim. One of the most heart-rending incidents was the killing of Hajra Begam's children in front of her eyes. This had prompted Nida Fazli to wrote the famous verse. 

But, as usual, communal riots were seen as a regular feature in those days. After a few days, news would not be on front page and then focus was lost. The Madon Commission report was voluminous, it had brought out everything in open. 

There was documented evidence, commission report told everything. Evil should have been nipped in the bud. Government should have acted. The names of organisations, their role, their entire planning and all other information was there in the report. 

In Lok Sabha, Mohd Ismail had tabled adjournment motion. Speaker said that he was not sure that the motion could be allowed as it was state subject. The point is that if governments were serious, they could have taken banned the outfits that were involved in large-scale rioting and killings, then only. 

But this didn't happen. The will was missing, there was no intent. If government acts tough, there is fear among the lawbreakers and rioters. These organisations continued to function and there was no serious action. Neither the special acts or tough laws were invoked, nor there were steps taken to stop these organisations from expanding. 

As a result, they were emboldened and within a decade--by 1980s they were able to mobilize so many people that violence spread across India during Rath Yatra. So today when talk about how institutions collapsed, it's not that suddenly in the last five or ten years this has happened. 

Two decades later, the deadly Mumbai riots too witnessed the same pattern. The Justice Sri Krishna Commission report kept gathering dust for years and its recommendations were not acted upon. Role of Congress was perplexing and the major changes that were needed in administration, forces, composition of police and implementation of laws, couldn't take place.

Successive governments played a role and the decades of softness towards fundamentalist and radical groups, made them so powerful that it became almost impossible to stop them in later years. Photo is just for representational purpose. Courtesy. 

Circulation of Urdu newspapers in India in the decade after Independence

Shams Ur Rehman Alavi

The Urdu press has a nationwide presence and it was naturally strong in the pre-partition era.

Even after partition, Urdu newspapers had strong impact in parts of the country.

Especially, in national capital, Delhi and Punjab. 

The centres remain the same, even six or seven decades later. Delhi, Lucknow, Hyderabad, Mumbai, Kolkata, Patna, Bhopal and Bangalore. However, contrary to general feeling the circulation of newspapers in the post-independence era was high, the figures were not too impressive.

Pratap, Tej and Milap were major papers in Delhi. Post-partition, the Hindu and Sikh populace that continued to read Urdu, preferred these papers. In 1959, Siyasat Jadeed Kanpur was quite a big paper and had higher circulation that Siasat, Hyderabad.

Among major dailies, Mumbai had Inquilab, Lucknow had Qaumi Awaz, Calcutta had Asr-e-Jadid and Azad Hind apart from Rozana Hind. Jalandhar had Hind Samachar, Hyderabad had Rahnuma-e-Deccan apart from Siasat and others. 

In Bhopal, Nadeem's circulation was less but again circulation is not a criterion, it had impact. Just like, Times of India and Hindustan Times sell 20-25 times or even more than Indian Express in Delhi, but Express probably still has more impact.

The belief is that it was a golden era of some sorts, as people always look towards past, with love and longing. However, printing newspapers was not easy and litho was the system, before the advent of modern technology. The circulation figures are from the annual report of the Registrar of Newspapers in India (RNI).

READ: LINK OF TOP URDU NEWSPAPERS AND WEBSITES IN 2021

Cow protection group's bid to storm parliament 55 years ago: Yet no right-wing outfit was banned or perceived as threat to nation

Shams Ur Rehman Alavi

It was in the month of November, 55 years ago, when a shocking incident had occurred in India's national capital. 

The year was 1966. A big gathering in support of cow protection took place in Delhi.

The protesters who gathered near the Parliament, turned violent. The situation went out of hand. 

Ministers' houses were attacked & burnt. The policemen later resorted to firing. As per reports, 7* persons were killed, while nearly 200 were injured. 

Papers carried the reports on front page, bold top lead stories. But they were not harsh, quite soft. They termed them 'unruly demonstrators'. The words were not 'attackers' on 'temple of democracy' but words used were 'paraders' and 'demonstrators'.

Though it was an attack at the seat of the government. Gulzarilal Nanda was Home Minister. It was claimed after Swami Rameshwaranand had exhorted audience to prevent ministers from coming out of parliament, that situation deteriorated.

K Kamraj's house was targeted. Also, minister of state Raghuramaiah's bungalow was attacked and set afire. So many trucks, buses and vehicles were damaged and set afire. The leaders of these 'demonstrators' had openly announced that they won't let ministers come out of the parliament. 

The scale of violence was unprecedented. Centre, the government and the Delhi administration was 'taken aback'. Lieutenant General AN Jha had expressed 'complete surprise', also 'intel had no info! On November 8, despite Opposition push, Centre said no to judicial probe demand and house was adjourned. 

Army was alerted just in case need arose, though it was police that handled the situation and remained on the scene. Hundreds of Sadhus were arrested within 24 hours. Swami Karpatri Maharaj was also among those taken in custody. 

The figure of arrested persons crossed 1,400 later. Those arrested belonged to Jan Sangh, Arya Samaj, Sadhu Sabha and Sanatan Dharma Samaj. Then, on November 9, Gulzarilal Nanda resigned as home minister. 

YB Chavan became the home minister in the next few days. But were the 'major disturbances in Delhi' seen as a national security issue or threat to country, causing worries about future? In fact, the policy continued, that right-wing can never be perceived as security threat, even its fanatic wings. 

Turning Right-wing: Softness towards right-wing, the reasons for the shift

The point is that any minor stir or a statement of a leader in a far-flung part of the country, leads to so much brouhaha, immediate concerns and casual use of words like 'traitor'. But even an incident of this magnitude--almost an attack at the seat of democracy, hadn't shaken the government enough. 

And as we know, later also, no serious action was taken. No right-wing outfit was banned despite such an incident. Subsequent governments too remains comparatively soft towards the right-wing. On the other hand, a year later, the unlawful activities (prevention) act--UAPA came, in 1967. 

It has resulted in thousands of arrests and curtails the rights of citizens, denies them the right to bail.The softness towards right-wingers continued. Two decades later, VHP and BD had become big strong groups with all India presence, lakhs of volunteers and so by 1980s groundwork was complete. Congress got another decade later--from 2004 to 2014, and then after all the work, handed over, completely.

The threat was not dealt with, sternly. Hence, right-wing groups were emboldened and emerged stronger. By 1980s, there was a fresh resurgence. And every time the approach was similar, soft. Jan Sangh that turned into BJP, used VHP and Bajrang Dal cadre during the Rath Yatra.

There was violence in dozens of towns in the country, yet, no action was taken. A few years later, in 1992, Babri Masjid was demolished. This, despite chief minister's pledge that he won't let anyone harm the structure.

If this was not enough, those involved in the demolition, those who gave inflammatory slogans and made the speeches, incited the mobs, were never made to pay for their acts. The cases dragged for years and none of the conspirators were jailed. 

The failure was on all fronts, not just administrative and political, but on all fronts. When executive fails, people look at courts. However, Kalyan Singh was given just ONE day symbolic imprisonment! No wonder, the message went that right-wing ideology is part of nationalism. 

The post-Godhra pogrom in Gujarat occurred in the year 2002. Many culprits involved in violence managed to get bail despite getting convicted. Over the years, Hindutva became synonymous with Hinduism and Nationalism. 

Many groups were found involved in planning and executing attacks eg Malegaon, Ajmer, Mecca Masjid at Hyderabad and Bhopal Ijtima apart from similar plots at Jalna, Nanded, Modasa, Purna, Thane and Goa but, none of those groups was put on the list of banned outfits.

Even when Congress was at the Centre, it didn't do it. The State government in Maharashtra too belonged to the same party, yet, they couldn't do it. And, later leaders would pass the buck, claiming that they didn't get the file!

The shift to right-wing was complete. This happened because every important pillar that needed to stay strong, crumbled. Not just the bureaucracy and the political class, but this was facilitated by the the Fourth Estate--the role of press and media, particularly, vernacular newspapers in North India, in taking side and changing public opinion.

Now, coming back to November 7, 1966. The incident didn't lead to serious action against right-wing groups. Rather, cow protection laws came up in different states. Over the years, these laws were made more and more stringent, and Muslim youths faced charges, getting framed and prosecuted even over rumours of cow slaughter, mere claim over possession of beef or transportation of objectionable meat.

The attacks, lynching bids and the murder of Akhlaq, the father of an armyman, in Dadri in Western UP, and many such incidents, were example of how right-wing influence had grown on the country and how it had affected the society, as lawmakers went on to protect and garland those involved in lynching.

Another version of this report is available at the medium. 

NOTE: Though a major incident, the cow protection brigade's agitation in 1966 was quickly forgotten, and was rarely talked about. It's only in recent times, when WhatsApp messages gave a twist and talked about government firing on Sadhus made rounds that some news outlets recalled it. 

This report mentions it as 'the very first attack on Indian parliament'. The report mentions that how BJS' MP Swami Rameshwaranand who was elected from Karnal in undivided Punjab led the mob towards Parliament  House complex 'with a clear intent to storm it' and finding the gates closes, the mob 'launched a free for all attack on govt buildings'.

Another report mentions that it was the first attack and it was carried out by the 'gau rakshaks'. It also gives information about the death of a policeman in the attack and also throws light on the backdrop, giving examples like the use of an objectionable caricature. 

Yet another report in The Caravan, quotes newspaper reports of the era to tell how mob caused extensive damage and destruction, that there was hardly a building on the parliament street that didn't bear signs of vandalism. CRPF was out on streets, curfew was imposed and loss estimated at Rs 90 lakh.

[*another person's death was confirmed later, taking the toll to, at least, eight. The incident had occurred on November 7, 1966.]